European System of Balance of Power Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

European System of Balance of Power - Article Example France was very much afraid of Germany after WWI. During the treaty of Versailles, they made their point. After the WWI the French economy weakened day by day. Their demands include the return of Alsace-Lorraine to France, financial and military aid by League of Nations in case of the German attack and should have French control over left bank of the Rhine Republic and Saar. Finally, it has been said that the French asked too much and pushed the Germans to a corner. The US, on the other hand, helped the European community by giving financial aid. They helped the Germans to come out of the financial crisis. The US realized the importance of the United Nations and convinced its allies and enemies to join the group. After centuries of bloodshed on the continent, with reconstruction after WWII financed by the American Marshall plan and protection provided by the American military during the Cold War, old adversaries in Europe achieved reconciliation and integration. Americans see a Germany that was wounded in WWI, destroyed in WWII, and then rehabilitated and protected (in the case of West Germany) in the post-war period thanks to American military might and American money. During the second half of 1944, the Nazi empire gradually imploded as its enemies invaded from east, west, and south. Supplies and manufacturing dwindled on a daily basis. The once mighty had some of the best military aircraft in the world but lacked fuel to fly them and parts to maintain them. Evidence suggests that Chancellor Adolf Hitler himself became addicted to a variety of drugs and that he may also have suffered from syphilis, Parkinson's disease, or both.  

Individual Newsletter Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Individual Newsletter - Essay Example We, as the current students who are taking this course are working hard so that we may success and strive in our lives. We are a dedicated class, who work together so as to achieve our individual dreams in our lives, individually and as a whole group (W. O 2012). In PR, one has to posses some qualities that are unique to this course (Ezine 2000)). In this newsletter I am setting out the ten essential qualities that successful self-employed PR person must posses, and qualities that PR students should nature in themselves. Since I started doing this course, I came to realize that Successful PR pros love what they do, and they know that, in this field, there is no working time because PR is not just a profession, but also a way of life, or lifestyle (Microsoft 2012). This newsletter is intended to enlighten employees and the wider University about PR students studying at the University, and the benefits of taking this course. It is going to reveal how influential PR is to the society at large (Grapevine 2012). For personal professionalism, I believe that it is imperative to differentiate between the core expectations your employer has for you from those that you have for yourself. I also comprehend and acknowledge the significance of personal professionalism in a workplace (Alliancetac 2010). I have always recognized the significance of having high self-expectations both professionally and personally (WPP 2009). Personal professionalism cannot be just a matter of common sense, but the ability to get to work on time, with a good attitude and to consistently meet the basic standards of adequate behavior. Personally, those are some of the qualities that I possess (Salsbury 2002). Other qualities I have that are imperative in PR are; excellent communicating and listening skills, organizational and psychological skills, searching and observing skills, and technological literacy.

Effect of Early Numeracy Learning on Numerical Reasoning

Effect of Early Numeracy Learning on Numerical Reasoning FROM NUMERICAL MAGNITUDE TO FRACTIONS Early understanding of numerical magnitude and proportion is directly related to subsequent acquisition of fraction knowledge Abstract Evidence from experiments with infants concerning their ability to reason with numerical magnitude is examined, along with the debate relating to the innateness of numerical reasoning ability. The key debate here concerns performance in looking time experiments, the appropriateness of which is examined. Subsequently, evidence concerning how children progress to reasoning with proportions is examined. The key focus of the debate here relates to discrete vs continuous proportions and the difficulties children come to have when reasoning with discrete proportions specifically. Finally, the evidence is reviewed into how children come to reason with fractions and, explicitly, the difficulties experienced and why this is the case. This is examined in the context of different theories of mathematical development, together with the effect of teaching methods. Early understanding of numerical magnitude and proportion is directly related to subsequent acquisition of fraction knowledge Understanding of magnitude and fractions is crucial in contemporary society. Relatively simple tasks such as dividing a restaurant bill or sharing cake at a birthday party rely on an understanding of these concepts in order to determine how much everyone requires to pay towards the bill or how much cake everyone can receive. Understanding of these concepts is also required to allow calculation of more complex mathematical problems, such as solving equations in statistical formulae. It is therefore evident that a sound understanding of magnitude and fractions is required in everyday life and whilst most adults take for granted the ability to calculate magnitudes and fractions, this is not so for children, who require education to allow the concepts to be embedded into their understanding. De Smedt, Verschaffel, and Ghesquià ¨re (2009) suggest that children’s performance on magnitude comparison tasks predicts later mathematical achievement, with Booth and Siegler (2008) further arguing for a causal link between early understanding of magnitude and mathematical achievement. Despite these findings, research tends to highlight problems when the teaching of whole number mathematics progresses to teaching fractions. Bailey, Hoard, Nugent, and Geary (2012) suggest that performance on fraction tasks is indicative of overall mathematics performance levels, although overall mathematical ability does not predict ability on these tasks. This article reviews the current position of research into how young children, between birth and approximately seven years of age come to understand magnitude and how this relates to the subsequent learning of fractions. By primarily reviewing research into interpretation of numerical magnitude, the first section of this paper will have a fairly narrow focus. This restriction is necessary due to the large volume of literature on the topic of infant interpretation of magnitude generally and is also felt to be appropriate due to the close link between integers, proportions and fractions. An understanding of magnitude is essential to differentiate proportions (Jacob, Vallentin, Nieder, 2012) and following the review of literature in respect of how magnitude comes to be understood, the paper will review the present situation in respect of how young children understand proportions. Finally, the article will conclude with a review of where the literature is currently placed in respect of how young children’s understanding of magnitude and proportion relates to the learning of fractions and briefly how this fits within an overall mathematical framework. Is the understanding of numerical magnitude innate? There are two opposing views in respect of the innateness of human understanding of number and magnitude. One such view suggests that infants are born with an innate ability to carry out basic numerical operations such as addition and subtraction (Wynn, 1992, 1995, 2002). In her seminal and widely cited study, Wynn (1992) used a looking time procedure to measure the reactions of young infants to both possible and impossible arithmetical outcomes over three experiments. Infants were placed in front of a screen with either one or two objects displayed. A barrier was then placed over the screen, restricting the infants’ view, following which an experimenter either â€Å"added† or â€Å"removed† an item. The infants were able to see the mathematical operation taking place due to a small gap at the edge of the screen which showed items being added or subtracted, but were not able to view the final display until the barrier was removed. Following the manipulation and r emoval of the barrier, infants’ looking times were measured and it was established that overall infants spent significantly more time looking at the impossible outcome than the correct outcome. These results were assumed to be indicative of an innate ability in human infants to manipulate arithmetical operations and, accordingly, distinguish between different magnitudes. The suggestion of an innate human ability to manipulate arithmetical operations is given further credence by a number of different forms of replication of Wynn’s (1992) original study (Koechlin, Dehaene, Mehler, 1997; Simon, Hespos, Rochat, 1995). Feigneson, Carey, and Spelke (2002) and Uller, Carey, Huntley-Fenner, and Klatt (1999) also replicated Wynn, although interpreted the results as being based on infant preference for object-based attention as opposed to an integer-based attention. Despite replications of Wynn (1992), a number of studies have also failed to replicate the results, leading to an alternative hypothesis. Following a failure to replicate Wynn, Cohen and Marks (2002) posit that infants distinguish magnitude by favouring more objects over less and also display a preference towards the number of objects which they have initially been presented, regardless of the mathematical operation carried out by the experimenter. This suggestion arises from the results of an experiment where Wynn’s hypothesis of innate mathematical ability was tested against the preference hypothesis noted above. Further evidence against Wynn (1992) exists following an experiment by Wakeley, Rivera, and Langer (2000), who argue that no systematic evidence of addition and subtraction exists, instead the ability to add and subtract progressively develops during infancy and childhood. Whilst this does not specifically support Cohen and Marks, it does cast doubt on basic arithme tical skills and, accordingly, the ability to work with magnitude existing innately. How do children understand magnitude as they age? By six-months old, it is suggested that infants employ an approximate magnitude estimation system (McCrink Wynn, 2007). Using a looking-time experiment to assess infant attention to displays of pac-men and dots on screen, infants appeared to attend to novel displays with a large difference in ratio (2:1 to 4:1 pac-men to dots, 4:1 to 2:1 pac-men to dots), with no significant difference in attention times to novel stimuli with a closer ratio (2:1 to 3:1 pac-men to dots, 3:1 to 2:1pac-men to dots). These results were interpreted to exemplify an understanding of magnitudes with a degree of error, a pattern already existing in the literature on adult magnitude studies (McCrink Wynn, 2007). Unfortunately, one issue in respect of interpreting the results of experiments with infants is that they cannot explicitly inform experimenters of their understanding of what has happened. It has been argued that experiments making use of the looking-time paradigm cannot be properly understood as exp erimenters must make an assumption that infants will have the same expectations as adults, a matter which cannot be appropriately verified (Charles Rivera, 2009; K. Mix, 2002). As children come to utilise language, words which have a direct relationship to magnitude (eg., â€Å"little,† â€Å"more,† â€Å"lots†) enter into their vocabulary. The use of these words allows researchers to investigate how they come to form internal representations of magnitude and how they are used to explicitly reveal understanding of such magnitudes. Specifically isolating the word â€Å"more†, children appear to develop an understanding of the word as being comparatively domain neutral (Odic, Pietroski, Hunter, Lidz, Halberda, 2013). In an experiment requesting children aged 2.0 – 4.0 (mean age = 3.2) to distinguish which colour on pictures of a set of dots (numeric task) or blobs of â€Å"goo† (non-numeric task) represented â€Å"more†, it was established that no significant difference exists between performance on both numeric and non-numeric tasks. In addition, it was found that children age approximately 3.3 years and above performed significantly above chance, whereas those children below 3.3 years who participated did not. This supports the assertion that the word â€Å"more† is understood by young children as both comparative and in domain neutral terms not specifically related to number or area. It could also be suggested that it is around the age of 3.3 years when the word â€Å"more † comes to hold some sort of semantic understanding in relation to mathematically based stimuli (Odic et al., 2013). It is difficult to compare this study to that of McCrink and Wynn (2007) due to the differing nature of methodology. It would certainly be of interest to researchers to investigate the possibility of some sort of comparison research, however, as it is unclear how the Odic et al. (2013) study fits with the suggestion of an approximate magnitude estimation system, notwithstanding the use of language. Generally, children understand numerical magnitude on a logarithmic basis at an early age, progressing to a more linear understanding of magnitude as they age (Opfer Siegler, 2012), a change which is beneficial. It is suggested that the more linear a child’s mental representation of magnitude appears, the better their memory for magnitudes will be (Thompson Siegler, 2010). There are a number of reasons for this change in understanding, such as socioeconomic status, culture and education (Laski Siegler, in press). In the remainder of this section, the understanding of magnitude in school age children (up to approximately seven years old) is reviewed, although only the effect of education will be referred to. The remainder of the reasons are noted in order to exemplify some issues which can also have an impact on children’s development of numerical magnitude understanding. As children age, the neurological and mental representations of magnitude encompass both numeric and non-numeric stimuli in a linear fashion (Opfer Siegler, 2012). On this basis, number line representations present a reasonable method for investigation of children’s’ understanding of magnitude generally. One method for examining number line representations of magnitude in children uses board games in which children are required to count moves as they play. Both prior to and subsequent to playing the games, the children involved in the experiment are then presented with a straight line, the parameters of which are explained, and requested to mark on the line where a set number should be placed. This allows researchers to establish if the action of game playing has allowed numerical and/or magnitude information to be encoded. In an experiment of this nature with pre-school children (mean age 4 years 8 months), Siegler and Ramani (2009) established that the use of a linea r numerical board game (10 spaces) enhanced children’s understanding of magnitude when compared to the use of a circular board game. It is argued that the use of a linear board game assists with the formation of a retrieval structure, allowing participants to encode, store and retrieve magnitude information for future use. Similar results have subsequently been obtained by Laski and Siegler (in press), working with slightly older participants (mean age 5 years 8 months), who sought to establish the effect of a larger board (100 spaces). In this case, the structure of the board ruled out high performance based on participant memory of space location on the board. In addition, verbalising movements by counting on was found to have a significant impact on retention of magnitude information. A final key question relating to understanding of magnitude relates to the predictive value of current understanding on future learning. When education level was controlled for, Booth and Siegler (2008) found a significant correlation between the pre-test numerical magnitude score on a number line task and post-test scores of 7 year-olds on both number line tasks and arithmetic problems, This discovery has been supported by a replication by De Smedt et al, (2009) and these findings together suggest that an understanding of magnitude is fundamental in predicting future mathematical ability. It is also clear that a good understanding of magnitude will assist children in subsequent years when the curriculum proceeds to deal more comprehensively with matters such as proportionality and fractions. From numerical magnitudes to proportions Evidence reviewed previously in this article tends to suggest that children have the ability to distinguish numerical magnitudes competently by the approximate age of 7 years old. Unfortunately, the ability to distinguish between magnitudes does not necessarily suggest that they are easily reasoned with by children. Inhelder and Piaget (1958) first suggested that children were unable to reason with proportions generally until the transition to the formal operational stage of development, at around 11-12 years of age. This point is elucidated more generally with the argument that most proportional reasoning tasks prove difficult for children, regardless of age (Spinillo Bryant, 1991). However, more recent research has suggested that this assertion does not strictly hold true, with children as young as 4 and 5 years old able to reason proportionally (Sophian, 2000). Recent evidence suggests that the key debate in terms of children’s ability to reason with proportions concerns t he distinction between discrete quantities and continuous quantities. Specifically, it is argued that children find dealing with problems involving continuous proportions simpler than those involving discrete proportions (Boyer, Levine, Huttenlocher, 2008; Jeong, Levine, Huttenlocher, 2007; Singer-Freeman Goswami, 2001; Spinillo Bryant, 1999). In addition, the â€Å"half† boundary is also viewed as being of critical importance in children’s proportional reasoning and understanding (Spinillo Bryant, 1991, 1999). These matters and suggested reasons for the experimental results are now discussed. Proposing that first order relations are important in children’s understanding of proportions, Spinillo and Bryant (1991) suggest that children should be successful in making judgements on proportionality using the relation â€Å"greater than†. In addition, it is suggested that the â€Å"half† boundary also has an important role in proportional decisions. Following an experiment which requested children make proportional judgements about stimuli which either crossed or did not cross the â€Å"half† boundary, it was found that children aged from approximately 6 years were able to reason relatively easily concerning proportions which crossed the â€Å"half† boundary. From these results, it was drawn that children tend to establish part-part first order relations to deal with proportion tasks (eg. reasoning that one box contains â€Å"more blue than white† bricks). It was also suggested that the use of the â€Å"half† boundary formed a fi rst reference to children’s understanding of part-whole relations (eg. reasoning that a box contained â€Å"half blue, half white† bricks). No express deviation from continuous proportions was used in this experiment and, therefore, the only matter which can be drawn from this result is that children as young as 6 years old can reason about continuous proportions. In a follow up experiment, Spinillo and Bryant (1999) again utilised their â€Å"half† boundary paradigm with the addition of continuous and discrete proportion conditions. Materials used in the experiment were of an isomorphic nature. The results broadly mirrored Spinillo and Bryant’s (1991) initial study, in which it was noted that the â€Å"half† boundary was important in solving of proportional problems. This also held for discrete proportions in the experiment despite performance on these tasks scoring poorly overall. Children could, however, establish that half of a continuous quantity is identical to half of a discrete quantity, supporting the idea that the â€Å"half† boundary is crucial to reasoning about proportions (Spinillo Bryant, 1991, 1999). Due to the similar nature of materials used in this experiment, a further research question was posited in order to establish whether a similar task with non-isomorphic constituents would have any impac t on the ability of participants to reason with continuous proportions (Singer-Freeman Goswami, 2001). Using models of pizza and chocolates for the continuous and discrete conditions respectively, participants carried out a matching task where they were required to match the ratio in the experimenters’ model with their own in either an isomorphic (pizza to pizza) or non-isomorphic (chocolate to pizza) condition. In similar results to the previous experiments, it was found that participants had less problems dealing with continuous proportions than discrete proportions. In addition, performance was superior in the isomorphic condition compared to the non-isomorphic condition. An interesting finding, however, is that problems involving â€Å"half† were successfully resolved, irrespective of condition, further adding credence to the importance of this feature. Due to participants in this experiment being slightly younger than those in Spinillo and Bryant’s (1991, 1999) experiments, it is argued that the â€Å"half† boundary may be used for proportional reasoning tasks at a very early age (Singer-Freeman Goswami, 2001). In addition to the previously reviewed literature, there is a vast body of evidence the difficulty of discrete proportional reasoning compared to continuous proportional reasoning in young children. Yet to be identified, however, is a firm reason as to why this is the case. Two specific suggestions as to why discrete reasoning appears more difficult than continuous reasoning are now discussed. The first suggestion is based on a theory posited by Modestou and Gagatsis (2007) related to the improper use of contextual knowledge. An error occurs when certain knowledge, applicable to a certain context, is used in a setting to which it is not applicable. A particular problem identified with this form of reasoning is that it is difficult to correct (Modestou Gagatsis, 2007). This theory is applied to proportional reasoning by Boyer et al, (2008), who suggest that the reason children find it difficult to reason with discrete proportions is because they use absolute numerical equivalence to explain proportional problems. Continuous proportion problems are presumably easier due to the participants using a proportional schema to solve the problem, whereas discrete proportions are answered using a numerical equivalence schema where it is not applicable. An altogether different suggestion for the issue is made by Jeong et al, (2007), invoking Fuzzy trace theory (Brainerd Reyna, 1990; Reyna Brainerd, 1993). The argument posited is that children focus more on the number of target partitions in the discrete task, whilst ignoring the area that the target partitions cover. It is the area that is of most relevance to the proportion task and, therefore, focussing on area would be the correct outcome. Instead, children appear to instinctively focus on the number of partitions, whilst ignoring their relevance (Jeong et al., 2007), thereby performing poorly on the task. From proportions to fractions In tandem with children’s difficulties in relation to discrete proportions, there is a wealth of evidence supporting the notion that fractions prove difficult at all levels of education (Gabriel et al., 2013; Siegler, Fazio, Bailey, Zhou, 2013; Siegler, Thompson, Schneider, 2011). Several theories of mathematical development exist, although only some propose suggestions as to why this may be the case. The three main bodies of theory in respect of mathematical development are privileged domain theories (eg. Wynn, 1995b), conceptual change theories (eg. Vamvakoussi Vosniadou, 2010) and integrated theories (eg, Siegler, Thompson, Schneider, 2011). In addition to the representation of fractions within established mathematical theory, a further dichotomy exists in respect to how fractions are taught in schools. It is argued that the majority of teaching of fractions is carried out via a largely procedural method, meaning that children are taught how to manipulate fractions with out being fully aware of the conceptual rules by which they operate (Gabriel et al., 2012). Discussion in this section of the paper will focus on how fractions are interpreted within these theories, the similarities and differences therein, together with how teaching methods can contribute to better overall understanding of fractions. Within privileged domain theories, development of understanding of fractions is viewed as secondary to and inherently distinct from the development of whole numbers (Leslie, Gelman, Gallistel, 2008; Siegler et al., 2011; Wynn, 1995b). As previously examined, it is argued that humans have an innate system of numerical understanding which specifically relates to positive integers, he basis of privileged domain theory being that positive integers are â€Å"psychologically privileged numerical entities† (Siegler et al., 2011, p. 274). Wynn (1995b) suggests that difficulty exists with learning fractions due to the fact that children struggle to conceive of them as discrete numerical entities. This argument is similar to that of Gelman and Williams (1998, as cited in Siegler et al., 2011) who suggest that the knowledge of integers presents barriers to learning about other types of number, due to distinctly different properties (eg. assumption of unique succession). Presumably, priv ileged domain theory views the fact that integers are viewed as being distinct in nature from any other type of numerical entity is the very reason for children having difficulty in learning fractions, as their main basis of numerical understanding prior to encountering fractions is integers. Whilst similar to privileged domain theories in some respects, conceptual change theories are also distinct. The basis of conceptual change theories is that concepts and relationships between concepts are not static, but change over time (Vamvakoussi Vosniadou, 2010). In essence, protagonists of conceptual change do not necessarily dismiss the ideas of privileged domain theories, but allow freedom for concepts (eg. integers) and relationships between concepts (eg. assumption of unique succession) to be altered in order to accommodate new information, albeit that such accommodation can take a substantial period of time to occur (Vamvakoussi Vosniadou, 2010). Support for conceptual change theory is found in the failure of children to comprehend the infinite number of fractions or decimals between two integers (Vamvakoussi Vosniadou, 2010). It is argued that the reason for this relates to the previously manifested knowledge of integer relations (Vamvakoussi Vosniadou, 2010) and that it is closely related to a concept designated as the â€Å"whole number bias† (Ni Zhou, 2005). The â€Å"whole number bias† can be defined as a tendency to utilise schema specifically for reasoning with integers to reason with fractions (Ni Zhou, 2005) and has been referred to in a number of studies as a possible cause of problems for children’s reasoning with fractions (eg. Gabriel et al., 2013; Meert, Grà ©goire, Noà «l, 2010). Siegler et al, (2011) propose an integrated theory to account for the development of numerical reasoning generally. It is suggested by this theory that the development of understanding of both fractions and whole numbers occurs in tandem with the development of procedural understanding in relation to these concepts. The theory claims that â€Å"numerical development involves coming to understand that all real numbers have magnitudes that can be ordered and assigned specific locations on number lines† (Siegler et al., 2011, p. 274). This understanding is said to occur gradually by means of a progression from an understanding of characteristic elements (eg. an understanding that whole numbers hold specific properties distinct from other types of number) to distinguishing between essential features (eg. different properties of all numbers, specifically their magnitudes) (Siegler et al., 2011). In contrast to the foregoing privileged domain and conceptual change theories, the inte grated theory views acquisition of knowledge concerning fractions as a fundamental course of numerical development (Siegler et al., 2011). Supporting evidence for this theory comes from Mix, Levine and Huttenlocher (1999), who report an experiment where children successfully completed fraction reasoning tasks in tandem with whole number reasoning tasks. A high correlation between performances on both tasks is reported and it is suggested that this supports the existence of a shared latent ability (Mix et al., 1999). One matter which appears continuously in fraction studies is the pedagogical method of delivering fraction education. A number of researchers have argued that teaching methods can have a significant impact on the ability of pupils to acquire knowledge about fractions (Chan, Leu, Chen, 2007; Gabriel et al., 2012). It is argued that the teaching of fractions falls into two distinct categories, teaching of conceptual knowledge and teaching of procedural knowledge (Chan et al., 2007; Gabriel et al., 2012). In an intervention study, Gabriel et al, (2012) segregated children into two distinct groups, the experimental group receiving extra tuition in relation to conceptual knowledge of fractions, with the control group following the regular curriculum. The experimental results suggested that improved conceptual knowledge of fractions (eg. equivalence) allowed children to perform better when presented with fraction problems (Gabriel et al., 2012). This outcome supports the view that more ef fort should be made to teach conceptual knowledge about fractions, prior to educating children about procedural matters and performance on fractional reasoning may be improved. Conclusion and suggestions for future research In this review, the process of how children come to understand and reason with numerical magnitude, progressing to proportion and finally fractions has been examined. The debate concerning the innateness of numerical reasoning has been discussed, together with how children understand magnitude at a young age. It has been established that children as young as six months old appear to have a preference to impossible numerical outcomes, although it remains unclear as to why this is. The debate remains ongoing as to whether infants are reasoning mathematically, or simply have a preference for novel situations. Turning to proportional reasoning, evidence suggests a clear issue when children are reasoning with discrete proportions as opposed to continuous ones. Finally, evidence concerning how children reason with fractions and the problems therein was examined in the context of three theories of mathematical development. Evidence shows that all of the theories can be supported to some ext ent. A brief section was devoted to how teaching practice effects children’s learning of fractions and it was established that problems exist in terms of how fractions are taught, with too much emphasis placed on procedure and not enough placed on conceptual learning. With the foregoing in mind, the following research questions are suggested to be a good starting point for future experiments: How early should we implement teaching of fraction concepts? Evidence from Mix et al, (1999) suggests that children as young as 5 years old can reason with fractions and it may be beneficial to children’s education to teach them earlier; Should fractions be taught with more emphasis on conceptual knowledge? References Bailey, D. H., Hoard, M. K., Nugent, L., Geary, D. C. (2012). Competence with fractions predicts gains in mathematics achievement. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 113, 447–455. Booth, J., Siegler, R. (2008). Numerical magnitude representations influence arithmetic learning. Child Development, 79, 1016–1031. Boyer, T. W., Levine, S. C., Huttenlocher, J. (2008). Development of proportional reasoning: where young children go wrong. Developmental Psychology, 44, 1478–1490. Brainerd, C. J., Reyna, V. F. (1990). Inclusion illusion: Fuzzy-trace theory and perceptual salience effects in cognitive development. Developmental Review, 10, 363–403. Chan, W., Leu, Y., Chen, C. (2007). Exploring Group-Wise Conceptual Deficiencies of Fractions for Fifth and Sixth Graders in Taiwan. The Journal of Experimental Education, 76, 26–57. Charles, E. P., Rivera, S. M. (2009). Object permanence and method of disappearance: looking measures further contradict reaching measures. Developmental Science, 12, 991–1006. Cohen, L. B., Marks, K. S. (2002). How infants process addition and subtraction events. Developmental Science, 5, 186–201. De Smedt, B., Verschaffel, L., Ghesquià ¨re, P. (2009). The predictive value of numerical magnitude comparison for individual differences in mathematics achievement. Journal of Experimental Child Psychology, 103, 469–479. Feigenson, L., Carey, S., Spelke, E. (2002). Infants’ discrimination of number vs. continuous extent. Cognitive Psychology, 44, 33–66. Gabriel, F., Cochà ©, F., Szucs, D., Carette, V., Rey, B., Content, A. (2012). Developing children’s understanding of fractions: An intervention study. Mind, Brain, and Education, 6, 137–146. Gabriel, F., Cochà ©, F., Szucs, D., Carette, V., Rey, B., Content, A. (2013). A componential view of children’s difficulties in learning fractions. Frontiers in psychology, 4(715), 1–12. Geary, D. C. (2006). Development of mathematical understanding. In D. Kuhn, R. Siegler, W. Damon, R. M. Lerner (Eds.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol 2, Cognition, Perception and Language (6th ed., pp. 777–810). Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Inhelder, B., Piaget, J. (1958). The growth of logical thinking from childhood to adolescence. London: Basic Books. Jacob, S. N., Vallentin, D., Nieder, A. (2012). Relating magnitudes: the brain’s code for proportions. Trends in cognitive sciences, 16, 157–166. Jeong, Y., Levine, S. C., Huttenlocher, J. (2007). The development of proportional reasoning: Effect of continuous versus discrete quantities. Journal of Cognition and Development, 8, 237–256. Koechlin, E., Dehaene, S., Mehler, J. (1997). Numerical transformations in five-month-old human infants. Mathematical Cognition, 3, 89–104. Laski, E. V, Siegler, R. S. (in press). Learning from number board games: You learn what you encode. Developmental Psychology. Leslie, A. M., Gelman, R., Gallistel, C. R. (2008). The generative basis of natural number concepts. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 12, 213–218. McCrink, K., Wy

Adpatogens and the PrimeQuest Program :: Science Botany Scientific Essays

Adpatogens and the PrimeQuest Program Adaptogens are naturally occurring substances found in rare plants and herbs. Adaptogens were discovered by Israel I. Brekhman, M.D., a renowned Russian research pharmacologist and physiologist. Brekhman coined the term "adaptogen" as a plant type with certain characteristics: (1) it is absolutely safe and non-toxic, (2) it increases the body's nonspecific resistance to internal and external stimuli, and (3) it brings any disfunctioning body system back into balance (http://www.best.com/-mcintyre/primequest/product/adapt.shtml). Adaptogens began being used by Russian cosmonauts and elite Russian athletes in the early 1970s when the Soviet Union stepped out into the international arena as a dominant force. The breakthrough by Brekhman was kept secret from the rest of the world until a former Soviet Olympic coach, Dr. Ben Tabachnik, began introducing the Russian adaptogen formula when he emigrated to the United States in 1990. The unique formula of adaptogens discovered by Brekhman is now marketed under the PrimeQuest High Performance Program. Scientific evidence has shown that this unique combination of adaptogens can successfully combat the negative effects of stress, improve health and well-being, and enhance athletic performance (Avery, 1995). The PrimeQuest High Performance Program is comprised of two products that work in synergy: Prime 1 and Prime Plus. Prime 1 is a liquid herbal food supplement that contains a number of adaptogenic ingredients: Siberian ginseng (Eleutherococcus senticosus), Maral root (Rhaponticum carthamoides), Ural licorice root (Glycyrrhiza uralensis), Golden root (Rhodiola rosea), Chinese magnolia vine (Schizandra chinensis), Cinnamon rose (Rosa majalis), and Manchurian thorn tree (Aralia mandshurica). These adaptogens provide the body with elements necessary to protect, balance and normalize its systems. Prime Plus is a food supplement in capsule form that contains Maral root (Rhaponticum carthamoides), Tribulus terrestis, and adaptogenic golden molasses. It is designed to aid the body in developing strength and tone through the enhancement of exercise. It stimulates the biosynthesis of proteins and nucleic acids and enhances metabolism. It helps to protect the body against muscle breakdown, promo ting faster recovery (http://www.best.com/-mcintyre/primequest/pqform.shtml). These compounds, working together, are touted by Dr. Brekhman for accomplishing a number of physiological changes in humans and animals: increase protein biosynthesis, raise antibody titre at immunization, elevate the body's enzyme synthesis by means of endocrine stimulation, enhance mental work capacity, uplift physical work capacity along with endurance and performance, alleviate free radicals to prevent oxidizing pathology, improve eyesight, color perception, hearing, and vestibular functions, benefit cardiovascular and respiratory functions, promote longevity, and increase the body's nonspecific resistance to various stressors (http://www.

Communication via SMS:

The British Journal of Social Psychology published an article in 2007 entitled â€Å"Interacting via SMS: Practices of social closeness and reciprocation†.This paper deals with the sequential structure of communication via short message service (SMS), also known as text messaging, among adults and young adults, aged 25-35 and 50-65.   A collection of 173 SMS exchanges for personal communication, spontaneously composed by participants, was gathered.   Each exchange was photographed from the display of the participant's mobile phone and then analyzed with the approach of conversation analysis.A questionnaire was also administered during the collection procedure. The analysis of the practices organizing the action sequence reveals that exchanges frequently lack openings and closures, show an effort towards reciprocation and use implicit or anticipated actions. Social presence seems then characterized by a sense of constant availability, symmetric commitment and shared underst anding.The article concluded that the sequential structure of mediated communication may give insightful details on the nature of the social presence thereby constituted and may provide a criterion to compare different communication modes (2007).   This paper will attempt to analyze the strength of the evidence presented in this article.Communication via SMS: An Article ReviewThe article entitled â€Å"Interacting via SMS: Practices of social closeness and reciprocation†argues that SMS has developed into a recognizable social place, with its own practices and affordances for establishing social presence and that it is characterized by â€Å"persistency, reciprocation and familiarity† (Spagnolli, 2007).They also found, through conversation analysis that SMS communication is designed around the turn, with very frequent multiple-action turns. The first question one may consider when presented with this article is was this research necessary?   Although not quite neces sary, this research does provide some interesting insights into the ever more popular communication method of text messaging.This research was in supplement to previous research on the same subject.   Some practices of SMS usage are already known, as ethnographic and linguistics studies have been carried out on teenage users.   Some researchers have investigated the communicative setting and its social norms (Grinter & Elridge, 2003).They show that SMS exchanges can be initiated in situations where other modes are forbidden, such as in class or at night, and that their intersection with other activities requires practices of participation management and context messages (Thurlow, 2003).In particular, a group of researchers has collected large numbers of messages and illustrated how SMS writers make the most out of a limited set of the available alpha-numeric characters well beyond the mere use of ‘emoticons’ whose actual rate is often quite low (Ling, 2005).The func tions and topics of an SMS exchange have been categorized and their communicative style identified as a peculiar mixture of morality and writing, spontaneity and care, supporting strategies of self-presentation and linguistic play (Ling, 2005).However, the kind of practice that has been less considered, if at all, is the one responsible for inner structure of an SMS exchange.   That is where this research comes into play.   Since a communicative exchange is a form of interaction conducted through discourse, these practices can reveal important aspects of the social presence created (Spagnolli, 2007).The goal of the research behind this article was to â€Å"investigate the interactional and pragmatic resources that five cohesion to a series of otherwise discrete contributions, and by allowing the sequential organization of these exchanges, create the coordinates along which the encounter is organized† (Spagnolli, 2007).   In contrast to other studies on SMS, which have c onsidered individual messages, this study analyzed each message with reference to the previous and subsequent one in sequence.   It was the exchange of messages that was most important to these researchers.   Another point of originality of this study also relies on the kind of participants involved.   Prior, SMS literature focused on teenagers, who could be considered as ‘core’ users.However, if using this medium is participating in a social place as is argued, then even peripheral users like adults should follow shared practices instead of totally idiosyncratic ones.   Therefore, the researchers chose to study young adults and adults.Next, it is important to determine whether the methods the authors implemented for their research were the proper method and whether they were effective.   According to the authors, given the need for exploring a poorly covered phenom, i.e. SMS exchanges between adults, they looked for natural data, while at the same time, tryin g to collect a fair number of exchanges (Spagnolli, 2007).According to the authors, diaries would have offered a richer, contextualization of the exchanges collected, but they could have also decreased spontaneity during the message exchange and required a more limited number of participants with a longer commitment with the research (Spagnolli, 2007).   Therefore the authors chose to collect 180 exchanges using the following system.They asked people for one series of sent and received messages still present in the memory of their cell phone, regardless of who initiated the exchange, but with the requirement that the series be complete with all messages exchanges (Spagnolli, 2007).   In this way, messages were not composed for the sake of research and the length of the exchanges were naturally defined.   This was very intuitive on the part of the authors as the data they collected was natural and not skewed because of the research method.

Architecture as a Means of Upliftment in South Africa

Architecture as a Means of Fulfillment in South Africa, post-apartheid Introduction The end of Apartheid allowed for â€Å"new ways of describing public institutions† according Togo Nero, in an interview for the Small Scale, Big Change exhibition. And as a result, architecture can be seen as a means of cultural fulfillment in post- apartheid South Africa. So the question is, how does architecture affect social change and identity In this country? This a two-fold question.This essay will look to address this question, In an analysis and comparison of Joy Onerous Red Location Museum In Port Elizabeth, and the Alexandra Heritage Centre in Johannesburg. We will start with a brief history of apartheid, and the sites, to put the buildings into context. Followed by a look at the purposes and concepts of the afore mentioned buildings. From there, we will address the structure and materials and go into an analysis and comparison of the buildings, ending off with the buildings in the pr esent day.History South Africans entire history is plagued with issues and tensions over ethnicity. This is evident all the way back to the early 1 sass when the Dutch and English used the Cape as their stopover point, and began to colonies, forcing the native people (such as the San and Koki) from their homes, and claimed the land for themselves. Battling for land and ownership between the Dutch and the English went on for many, many years, resulting In events such as the Boer War. In 1910, South Africa became a member of the British Commonwealth, with both parties sharing power.By the asses, the Nationalist Party grew in strength resulting in them finally coming into power, and the start of apartheid in 1948. Apartheid resulted in many things, but the cost important factor was that of segregation of races, and classification. Different races were given different social areas, occupations and areas to live. The years to follow were full of unhappiness, and protest- both peaceful an d not. Jumping ahead to 1990, we see the beginning of change- laws lifted, and constitutions redrawn. In 1994, South Africa saw the election of their first black president and the legal end to apartheid.New Brighton, Port Elizabeth Is one of the oldest black townships In South Africa, with the Red Location- so named after the old red corrugated barracks there- being the Much peaceful, non-violent protest happened, and it was here, in 1952 that a group of local NC members marched through the â€Å"Europeans Only' entrance at the New Brighton Train Station. This was the start of many more acts of defiance. After forty- six years, apartheid ended, and the Red Location was chosen to be a site where history and the location itself, would be preserved. Alexandra Township, in Johannesburg was named a township in 1912.It was one of the few townships that was not demolished as a result of the Group Areas Act- the township was too much of an important place for people in the northern suburbs to mind labor. However, the government found that Alex was over-populated, and so sought to forcedly remove people. This led to many boycotts and protests in the area. Alex is an important part of the apartheid history, as important NC members lived there at one time or another- such as Nelson Mandela. Alexandra Township today is a bustling and vibrant area, with an ongoing project to develop and preserve it.Purpose and Concept In 1998, a national competition was held to design a precinct in the Red Location that would bring tourists into the area firstly, as well as to preserve the history of the area. It was to include new housing, a library, art centre, gallery and market hall, a conference centre, and obviously, the centre piece- a museum centered on apartheid. The winner of the competition was the Cape Town based, Nero Wolff Architects. Their scheme would formalize a public space- something that was lacking in Red Location.This â€Å"plaza† would be at the centre of the precinct- the intersection between the two roads created in the design. As well as this, there were a few factors that put it above the other entries: firstly, great care and thought was put into the call of the design- not only does it blend in with the industrial buildings in the area, but it is considerate of the scale of the township itself. The second point is its aesthetic- the language is straightforward, and the buildings celebrate the ordinary materials- like concrete and corrugated iron.This overall scheme does however, have a slight industrial feel to it- which is deliberate in tying the building into its site. And the last thing was that the building had a unique approach to preserving the history, and courting whatever exhibits it would house- all of which creates a memory evolving around the struggle for freedom, rather than apartheid itself. In 2001, the Alexandra Tourism Development Project (ATOP) was founded, by the Sautà ©ing Tourism Authority, in the hopes to de velop a number of tourism facilities and infrastructure with emphasis on the heritage of the area, and to bring in tourism.Time, effort and money were also put into upgrading the housing in the area- and this has been a hugely successful project, major improving the lives of the people that live there. And this was a big stimulant when it came to the Heritage Centre- it â€Å"must serve primarily as a resource for the community – they must be incentive of as essential and integral parts of the urban and social fabric of Alexandra – rather than simply as an attraction for visitors†. Anyone Duggan, project something that Peter Rich took into account, in his design- which we will discuss later.The Alexandra Heritage Site serves mainly as a venue space- where meetings, exhibitions and classes can be held. There will also be a permanent exhibition, showing the history, and stories of the area, as well as artworks and photographs. But according to Peter Rich, the most important feature is that it is a place where the older generations can tell their stories and record their memories. Interview in Convey, online magazine, 2011-1) Structure, Materials and the Building Process For the purpose of this essay, I will focus mainly on the Museum itself, rather than the entire Museum of Struggle Precinct.In the Red Location Museum, the building itself only serves to house and protect the exhibits- the twelve corrugated â€Å"memory boxes† (more later) hold all the significance and meaning. The building is designed to evoke little emotion, which goes to strengthen ones experience of the interior. This building is an example of a massive concrete structure- built from pre-cast concrete elements, and in-situ elements, such as the columns- which bring a sense of permanence to the building. Other than its sheer volume, perhaps the most important structural feature is the roof.For their initial design, Nero Wolff looked to anti-apartheid protest art for clues. In the painting shown, the three seminal building types are evident:, the double story school building, the â€Å"box-house† and the saw- tooth roofed factory. The saw-tooth is an image strongly associated with the factory, and during the times of apartheid, the factory was associated with civic virtue, as it as the trade unions that helped shape the internal struggle for freedom. Civic buildings at that time were also images of apartheid, so Nero Wolff wanted to create a distinction.So the Museum was designed with a saw-tooth roof- which also offered good lighting and ventilation opportunities. The Alexandra Heritage Centre primarily used red steel girders, brick and poly- carbonate sheeting, giving it a lighter appearance than the Museum- especially because it also bridges across the road, which creates an observation deck overlooking the township. Peter Rich describes it as having an â€Å"ad-hoc esthetics† (Interview in Convey, online magazine, 2011-1) whic h is influenced by the surrounding without being patronizing.It has a civic feel, but still blends into the township- much like the Red Location. Peter Rich also sort ideas out from the people- he spent a great deal of time observing daily routines and such of the area, and used this to influence the design. Both buildings used local labor. Alex not only used local labor in the construction, but also in the smaller details, like the glasswork in the windows. The Red Location used 50% local labor, and every three months, new people were brought in- trained ND put to work. This offered much in the line of employment.Analysis and Comparison which houses a library and the exhibition space and offers views of the surrounding houses. The building has many opportunities for transparency- from the entrance, you can observe below into the public spaces, outside next to the road and in the interior, the planes are interlinking. There are also ambiguous internal spaces- this allows for great f lexibility in purpose- they were designed to be able to house political as well as social events. Another dimension is added, under the bridge- this space is owe redefined as street.Because of the polycarbonate sheeting and glasswork, the building gets good daylight- which is important if the space is to be utilized for workshops and such. As one enters the Red Location Museum, one is brought from the large sweeping veranda, to the entrance hall- which takes you from the informal exterior to formal interior, with its large volume. The entrance hall serves as a transition space. The entrance also houses the auditorium, which can be accessed from both sides. From here, the movement is directed via a row of tall concrete columns which are the first splay- the â€Å"walk of heroes†.These bring you into the main exhibition space- which is initially concealed- this was deliberate, to bring in a sense of â€Å"mysteriousness†. The main exhibition space houses twelve towering rusted corrugated structures- the â€Å"memory boxes† which relate back to the actual memory boxes which were treasured items during apartheid. Through these boxes, the exhibitions could be curates through themes. Each box is different on the inside, housing an exhibit. The memory box, is supposed to represent history, while outside of the museum is the present.The space inebriate- the twilight zone- is the transitional space, where past is lost to present. And it is in this space, which one moves around in the museum- choosing your own path and therefore creating your own understanding and story. This is achieved through a deliberate lack of hierarchy- the boxes are placed in a grid. The townships share similar histories, so it is only natural that any public buildings within them would have similarities. The obvious difference is their function, but other than that, these buildings share similar approaches, labor strategies, reasons for materiality.But the biggest similarit y is that they both have a positive impact on their locations, and are strong beacons towards a better future and a new identity. The Buildings in Present Day The Alexandra Heritage Centre, after many years of delays and budget problems, is near to completion. Of course, projects to uplift and rejuvenate the area are still on going. Tours are given of Alexandra regularly (called shoo' left(s)) which include visits to Mandela's Yard and the Heritage Centre. From the limited resources available, it is evident that the community think this building is a huge success- which is the most important opinion.It will take a few years, and more rejuvenation of the area, to bring in the amount of tourism that the ATOP hope to bring in, however. The museum. Currently, the next phases- the art gallery and the library/archive are completed- with minor interior issues still to be resolved- these are not open to the public yet. Future plans for the site include more, higher density housing, and an a rts school- which will include a theatre which can bring in more involvement from the community.The precinct is very successful- it brings in tourist attention, the community love it and make use of it on a daily basis. On a larger scale, the Museum does much to rejuvenate South Africa, in post-apartheid times. Conclusion When asked, how does architecture affect social change and identity in this country, one needs to look at why it is necessary to uplift the community and why perhaps, is change needed. It is evident that huge change was required after apartheid to begin to heal this country, and one of the biggest tools the apartheid government had to control people, was space.Through the two public buildings that were compared, we can see how this country, through architecture, has begun to correct itself. These buildings are not patronizing to anyone- not any race or class- and aside from their obvious functions, they bring about new change and identity to their respective commun ities. We can successfully reach this conclusion now, as we know the background and context, and are well acquainted with the buildings through an understanding of structure, materials, purpose and concept.As with most things, change is ongoing, and the Red Location Precinct and Alexandra Heritage Centre are testament to this. As a young architect in South Africa, it is clear to me, that to create successful public buildings, a good understanding of the surrounding context, community and history is obvious, as well as an understanding that the architects role is to create spaces- and that space can have a huge affect on people, and that it is our duty to shape this space as best to assist the community as possible.